mardi 15 décembre 2009
mardi 3 novembre 2009
mercredi 28 octobre 2009
Silvio' fatti curare
Nous en sommes à quelque chose de très grave. Les sorties de Silvio' sont risibles, le public rigole, le journaliste sait déjà qu'il ne pourra pas faire son travail. Jusqu'où ira cette comédie tragique à l'italienne? Faut-il se souhaiter vraiment que cet homme disparaisse, comme ce fut le cas auparavant pour les mauvais monarques et les dictateurs qui portaient les peuples à la ruine? Je m'inquiète...
lundi 26 octobre 2009
mercredi 14 octobre 2009
Contester la totalité. Guy Debord
Un des film de Guy Debord.
Sur lui, un bel article de Marcelin Pleynet paru dans le dernier numéro de L'Infini.
Le fait de parler de Debord ne peut que rendre honneur à Sollers & Co.
Ils ne sont pas démodés, ces gens.
Lisez donc l'Infini. Vous y trouverez, à chaque numéro, quelque chose d'intéressant.
Sur lui, un bel article de Marcelin Pleynet paru dans le dernier numéro de L'Infini.
Le fait de parler de Debord ne peut que rendre honneur à Sollers & Co.
Ils ne sont pas démodés, ces gens.
Lisez donc l'Infini. Vous y trouverez, à chaque numéro, quelque chose d'intéressant.
jeudi 8 octobre 2009
I LOVE SYLVIO'
'Seulement' deux procès en cours:
– Droits télévisés : Silvio Berlusconi est accusé de faux bilan et d'appropriation indue dans le cadre de l'achat de droits télévisés.
– Subornation de témoin liée au procès pour l'achat de droits télévisés. M. Berlusconi est accusé d'avoir versé 600 000 dollars à l'ancien avocat britannique David Mills pour obtenir de lui un faux témoignage. Dans cette affaire, M. Mills a été condamné à 4 ans et 6 mois de prison en février 2009.
Deux autres procédures pourraient déboucher sur des procès
– Dans l'affaire Mediatrade concernant des droits télévisés, M. Berlusconi est accusé de s'être "approprié indûment" des fonds d'une de ses sociétés contrôlée avec le concours d'un associé, l'homme d'affaires américano-égyptien, Frank Agramo.
– A Rome, une enquête est en cours pour "incitation à la corruption" dans le cadre d'une tentative (dénoncée par des sénateurs élus à l'étranger lors de la précédente législature) d'"acheter" les voix de parlementaires pour faire chuter le gouvernement de Romano Prodi, qui disposait d'une faible majorité au Sénat, entre 2006 et 2008.
Principales affaires déjà jugées
– Corruption d'inspecteurs de la brigade des finances (1989-1993), dit Fininvest 1. En première instance, M. Berlusconi avait été condamné à 2 ans et 9 mois. Relaxé en appel.
– Financement illicite de partis politiques et faux en bilan (1989-1996), dit All-Iberian 1, du nom d'une société contrôlée par la Fininvest. Condamné en première instance à 2 ans et 4 mois, M. Berlusconi a bénéficié de la prescription en appel.
– Faux en bilan dans le cadre du transfert du footballeur Gianluigi Lentini (1992). Relaxé pour prescription.
– Faux en bilan lors de l'acquisition de la maison de production Medusa (1988). Un an et 4 mois de prison en première instance, relaxé en appel.
– Corruption de juges lors de l'achat de la société SME. Relaxé par prescription.
– Corruption de juges dans l'affaire du rachat de la maison d'édition Mondadori (1991). Relaxé pour prescription mais rattrapé par la justice civile qui a condamné M. Berlusconi à verser 750 millions d'euros de dommages et intérêts à son rival dans l'affaire, Carlo De Benedetti.
– Faux en bilan (All-Iberian2, 2000-2001): relaxé parce que le délit ne tombe plus sous le coup de la nouvelle loi.
– Fraude fiscale avec création de caisses noires à l'intérieur de Fininvest entre 1989 et 1996, dit Fininvest 2. Prescription.
jeudi 10 septembre 2009
Bella Italia
Écoutez l'intervention de la collègue Michela Marzano, j'aime son accent coupé au couteau. Elle est intelligente et tonique. (Mais je ne regrette pas de ne pas travailler, comme elle, au CNRS...).
Contrairement à moi, elle ne pense pas que Berlusconi soit un clown. Moi, si.
Les clowns aussi peuvent être habiles, et par moment sérieux, voir avoir des moments de lucidité. Mais à la base ils sont là pour faire rire. Et c'est bien le but des apparitions publiques de Berlusconi: ridicules, c'est à dire qui méritent d'exciter le rire.
Les italiens aiment rire, ne l'oubliez pas, et un homme d'État clown, cela leur convient parfaitement!
Contrairement à moi, elle ne pense pas que Berlusconi soit un clown. Moi, si.
Les clowns aussi peuvent être habiles, et par moment sérieux, voir avoir des moments de lucidité. Mais à la base ils sont là pour faire rire. Et c'est bien le but des apparitions publiques de Berlusconi: ridicules, c'est à dire qui méritent d'exciter le rire.
Les italiens aiment rire, ne l'oubliez pas, et un homme d'État clown, cela leur convient parfaitement!
mardi 8 septembre 2009
dimanche 30 août 2009
jeudi 27 août 2009
Gregory Corso
Les grandes rivières hirsutes ont revêtu la parure du tombeau des Florentins
Et coulent leur procession parmi des vallées de lucioles exubérantes
Jusqu'à s'échouer près de ton épaule nue de chair
Où les carusos s'élèvent pour féconder la terre de mille euphories plantureuses
Que récolteront les anges dévergondés et la poésie des saints fous dont tu es le père naturel
De sublimes césariennes géométriques sont nées de ta nudité cyrillique
Et les lunes se noient dans la chevelure des limbes mélodieuses épargnées d'épilepsie
Il y a des manèges qui ont cessé de tourner à la nuit tombée
Les enfants se sont mus en colère divine et le ciel s'est fendu en deux sous leurs pieds
Libérant la juvénile étincelle arc-en-cielant leurs yeux d'artifice
La jeunesse que tu as léguée
Des pans entiers de monde sont restés sourds à tes farces versifiées
Et je proclame encore ton universalité bien au-delà des entendements
J'exhibe tes parties génitales en testament de mes folies apprivoisées
J'exhume l'odeur intense du joyeux anniversaire de la mort - en cela je ne suis profane
Par les visions obscènes violant mes iris je renais au palpable
La Terre tourne un peu trop rond pour éterniser les rêves et les forfanteries
Ce que tu es aujourd'hui ne peut être la tristesse ou l'aliénation, et cela même
J'envie la grâce des constellations chaussées de ballerines scintillantes
La danse nonchalante des effluves lactées au bal des revisitants
Alors qu'en chemin tu rencontres le cœur de Percy Bysshe
Et le salues d'une révérence espiègle en tirant la langue, signe d'infini respect
Pour aussitôt prendre ton envol par-dessus l'Eden et rejoindre les astres les plus lumineux
Des soupirs d'hiver ont frôlé la peau des fleurs sur les balcons
Pendant que l'orgue de Barbarie gesticule à pleins poumons près des marrons chauds
Et qu'une vieille dame attend son dernier clignement de paupières en dansant
Une valse imaginaire dans la cour principale d'un château anglais
Se consument les derniers souffles à la table des derniers regards
Janvier meurtrier boit un verre à la terrasse des saisons vicieuses et menstruées
Janvier m'a fait naître et c'est de sa main que les yeux de ton enveloppe charnelle
Ont cessé de luire pour mieux te fondre dans l'obscure éternité
Intrigante coïncidence d'avoir appris ta mort le jour de mon anniversaire...
25 bougies se trémoussaient parmi les larmes et la crème chantilly
Le champagne reflétait ton portrait et je t'ai bu tu avais le goût d'épines
Et coulent leur procession parmi des vallées de lucioles exubérantes
Jusqu'à s'échouer près de ton épaule nue de chair
Où les carusos s'élèvent pour féconder la terre de mille euphories plantureuses
Que récolteront les anges dévergondés et la poésie des saints fous dont tu es le père naturel
De sublimes césariennes géométriques sont nées de ta nudité cyrillique
Et les lunes se noient dans la chevelure des limbes mélodieuses épargnées d'épilepsie
Il y a des manèges qui ont cessé de tourner à la nuit tombée
Les enfants se sont mus en colère divine et le ciel s'est fendu en deux sous leurs pieds
Libérant la juvénile étincelle arc-en-cielant leurs yeux d'artifice
La jeunesse que tu as léguée
Des pans entiers de monde sont restés sourds à tes farces versifiées
Et je proclame encore ton universalité bien au-delà des entendements
J'exhibe tes parties génitales en testament de mes folies apprivoisées
J'exhume l'odeur intense du joyeux anniversaire de la mort - en cela je ne suis profane
Par les visions obscènes violant mes iris je renais au palpable
La Terre tourne un peu trop rond pour éterniser les rêves et les forfanteries
Ce que tu es aujourd'hui ne peut être la tristesse ou l'aliénation, et cela même
J'envie la grâce des constellations chaussées de ballerines scintillantes
La danse nonchalante des effluves lactées au bal des revisitants
Alors qu'en chemin tu rencontres le cœur de Percy Bysshe
Et le salues d'une révérence espiègle en tirant la langue, signe d'infini respect
Pour aussitôt prendre ton envol par-dessus l'Eden et rejoindre les astres les plus lumineux
Des soupirs d'hiver ont frôlé la peau des fleurs sur les balcons
Pendant que l'orgue de Barbarie gesticule à pleins poumons près des marrons chauds
Et qu'une vieille dame attend son dernier clignement de paupières en dansant
Une valse imaginaire dans la cour principale d'un château anglais
Se consument les derniers souffles à la table des derniers regards
Janvier meurtrier boit un verre à la terrasse des saisons vicieuses et menstruées
Janvier m'a fait naître et c'est de sa main que les yeux de ton enveloppe charnelle
Ont cessé de luire pour mieux te fondre dans l'obscure éternité
Intrigante coïncidence d'avoir appris ta mort le jour de mon anniversaire...
25 bougies se trémoussaient parmi les larmes et la crème chantilly
Le champagne reflétait ton portrait et je t'ai bu tu avais le goût d'épines
dimanche 19 juillet 2009
Le Rendez-vous
***
Je me suis tellement trompé/désormais
que déjà/je le sais -
aujourd'hui presque certainement
je me trompe sur toi
mais une fois de plus qu'est-ce que cela peut changer
dans ma vie
[na na na...na na na...]
accepter ce bizarre rendez-vous/a été une folie...
[...na na na...]
mon amour dépêche-toi
je ne résiste plus
si tu n'arrives pas
je n'existe
je n'existe
je n'existe
le temps a changé/il pleut
mais je reste à attendre
peu m'importe ce que le monde peut penser
je ne veux pas m'en aller
je ne suis qu'un reste d'espoir
perdu parmi les gens
amour il est déjà tard
je ne résiste
si tu n'arrives pas
je n'existe
je n'existe
je n'existe
lumières voitures rues tout cela
se confond dans la tête
mon ombre se fatigue de me suivre
le jour se meurt lentement
il ne me reste que rentrer chez moi
à ma triste vie
cette vie que je voulais te donner/à toi
tu l'as brisée entre les doigts
amour, pardon
je ne résiste
maintenant et à jamais
je n'existe
je n'existe
je n'existe
(tr.inédite EB)
mercredi 1 juillet 2009
dimanche 28 juin 2009
samedi 20 juin 2009
La Tendresse
Nous deux, nous n'avons pas besoin de trahisons, pour nous réconcilier toujours dans la plus grande tendresse.
vendredi 19 juin 2009
Cosi' fan tutti
Désolée de décevoir les libidineux et les moralisateurs qui, montés sur leurs réciproques grand cheveux (qui se ressemblent tant), trouveront appétissant ou scandaleuse l’affaire de l’escort -girl qui a balancé le premier ministre italien, notre Silvio’ national.
J’ai fréquenté le milieu pourri de la ville de Rome en 2003 pour des raisons professionnelles.
J’ai été introduite dans le ‘milieu’ par un crétin (qui m’avait été présenté par mon frère), un soi-disant intellectuel sans le sous et sans profession véritable, qui transitait dans l’orbite du parlementaire mafieux aujourd’hui en disgrâce, Marcello dell’Utri, très proche de Berlusconi. Marcello, qui se voulait mécène et protecteur des arts, m’avait même reçu à Bruxelles dans le hall de l’hôtel Amigo (je raconterai de cette rencontre un autre jour, j’avais une robe en lin couleur marron qui me laissait le dos découvert, et avais dormi à mes frais dans un hôtel pour fauchés sur la place du Sablon). Or, si vous êtes un minimum intelligents et déterminés, vous pourriez vous faire ‘recevoir’ par ces gens dans les hall de leur hôtels pour riches, car ces gens reçoivent tout le monde, afin principalement de renforcer leur réseau. C’est la norme. Ils vous donnent leur faveur, et vous leur êtes redevable. C’est la méthode romaine, italienne, mafieuse.
Rien n’a eu lieu avec dell’Utri, car je n’ai pas chancelé. Cependant, le médiocre personnage lambda qui m’avait introduit à Dell’Utri (afin aussi, ce pauvre con, de se montrer puissant fréquentant les puissants) m’a aussi présenté un autre personnage, archi-louche, avec lequel j’ai eu une brève amourette. C’était un vrai voleur, et mafieux. Ce coté crapule m’attirait. C’était les hôtels sur piazza del Popolo, les Maserati décapotables, les golf-club du dimanche, les allés-retour entre Rome, Milan, Rome, Palerme…le type était aussi hyper-laid, mais très intelligent. Il est actuellement hors jeu, lui aussi, à cause d’une triste histoire d’extorsion de fonds. Dommage pour lui, je l’aimais bien et aurais voulu l’avoir comme ami. Il voulait s’installer avec moi à Rome. Se marier, je crois, avec moi. J’avais à l’époque un fiancé ici en France ; j’étais à Rome (à mes frais)une fois par mois, sous prétexte que ma traduction sortait cette année là…j’ai fini par tout perdre, fiancé lillois, amant mafieux – et j’ai gagné tout ce que j’ai maintenant, ma paix, ma petite vie mystique et cochonne, toi…
Le type qui m’amenait en Maserati avait fait de moi, en quelque mois, une vraie starlette, potentiellement escort-girl. Il me racontait ce qu’il faisait lorsque je n’étais pas à Rome : il allait dans les ‘festini’ (petites fêtes, littéralement), c'est-à-dire de soirées comme il y en a partout à Rome, où le monde politique le show-biz et les putes se mélangent. Il allait se faire masser et parfois sucer dans des ‘centres’ de beauté pour hommes, où il rencontrait ses copains parlementaires (il était chargé, à l’époque, des ‘rapports institutionnels’ d’une grande société italienne). Il était souvent un peu fauché. Il menait la grande vie. Il m’achetait parfois des cadeaux coûteux ; certains, je les ai gardé. J’ai failli devenir une pute. Ne jamais te connaître. C’est le milieu romain qui te fait ça quasi automatiquement, si tu n’as pas un fond plus ou moins sain.
L’histoire de la demoiselle qui balance Berlusconi est une histoire banale, comme il y en des milliers tout les jours en Italie, autour de Berlusconi et de sa classe politique. Rome est une ville magnifique et extraordinairement accueillante, toute petite en réalité, car tout se passe dans certains hôtels, dans certains restaurants, et dans le quartier du Tridente, entre la grosse tranche de beurre ranci que Mussolini a érigé à coté du Colosseo (Il Vittoriale) et piazza del Popolo. C’est un quartier grand comme Fives, à peu près. Tout le monde se connaît. Tout le monde est habillé pareil. Les mecs sont cravatés, les filles ont les ongles vernies et les cheveux raids. Ça pue.
L’Italie est en ruine, depuis longtemps. Depuis la disparition du socialiste Bettino Craxi, elle n’a pas une classe politique crédible au gouvernement, juste un groupe de clown cravatés qui aime la richesse facile et les putes (ces derniers restent les plus respectables, dans l’histoire). Les gens qui travaillent, étudient, aiment, au Nord, au Centre, au Sud, ont fini par s’habituer à cette pourriture ; certains ont expatrié (comme moi), certains ont pris leur retraite et voient la chose de loin (comme mon père), certains sont dedans jusqu’au cou (comme mon frère). C’est un pays où il fait bon vivre. Tout le monde a la bonne humeur, la colère facile, l’insulte au bout des lèvres. La fille qui a balancé Berlusconi n’aura tout de même pas un avenir facile. Quelles que soient ses motivations, elle a été courageuse jusqu’à présent, elle se bat avec les moyens qui sont ceux de tout le monde, et dans un milieu pourri. Mais, je le répète, cela est à l’ordre du jour en Italie. Aujourd’hui L’Avvenire, journal des évêques italiens, demande à Berlusconi des explications sur cette affaire sordide. C’est oublier que cela a toujours existé, et que cet homme est depuis des années au centre d’un réseau mafieux qui dicte la loi (littéralement). Que l’église se rebelle (faiblement) aujourd’hui, cela me fait bien rire. Tout le Vatican mange aux restaurants mafieux de la capitale. Qu’est-ce que ce moralisme de la dernière heure ? L’Italie sera toujours foutue, jusqu’à ce que le Vatican existera.
J’ai fréquenté le milieu pourri de la ville de Rome en 2003 pour des raisons professionnelles.
J’ai été introduite dans le ‘milieu’ par un crétin (qui m’avait été présenté par mon frère), un soi-disant intellectuel sans le sous et sans profession véritable, qui transitait dans l’orbite du parlementaire mafieux aujourd’hui en disgrâce, Marcello dell’Utri, très proche de Berlusconi. Marcello, qui se voulait mécène et protecteur des arts, m’avait même reçu à Bruxelles dans le hall de l’hôtel Amigo (je raconterai de cette rencontre un autre jour, j’avais une robe en lin couleur marron qui me laissait le dos découvert, et avais dormi à mes frais dans un hôtel pour fauchés sur la place du Sablon). Or, si vous êtes un minimum intelligents et déterminés, vous pourriez vous faire ‘recevoir’ par ces gens dans les hall de leur hôtels pour riches, car ces gens reçoivent tout le monde, afin principalement de renforcer leur réseau. C’est la norme. Ils vous donnent leur faveur, et vous leur êtes redevable. C’est la méthode romaine, italienne, mafieuse.
Rien n’a eu lieu avec dell’Utri, car je n’ai pas chancelé. Cependant, le médiocre personnage lambda qui m’avait introduit à Dell’Utri (afin aussi, ce pauvre con, de se montrer puissant fréquentant les puissants) m’a aussi présenté un autre personnage, archi-louche, avec lequel j’ai eu une brève amourette. C’était un vrai voleur, et mafieux. Ce coté crapule m’attirait. C’était les hôtels sur piazza del Popolo, les Maserati décapotables, les golf-club du dimanche, les allés-retour entre Rome, Milan, Rome, Palerme…le type était aussi hyper-laid, mais très intelligent. Il est actuellement hors jeu, lui aussi, à cause d’une triste histoire d’extorsion de fonds. Dommage pour lui, je l’aimais bien et aurais voulu l’avoir comme ami. Il voulait s’installer avec moi à Rome. Se marier, je crois, avec moi. J’avais à l’époque un fiancé ici en France ; j’étais à Rome (à mes frais)une fois par mois, sous prétexte que ma traduction sortait cette année là…j’ai fini par tout perdre, fiancé lillois, amant mafieux – et j’ai gagné tout ce que j’ai maintenant, ma paix, ma petite vie mystique et cochonne, toi…
Le type qui m’amenait en Maserati avait fait de moi, en quelque mois, une vraie starlette, potentiellement escort-girl. Il me racontait ce qu’il faisait lorsque je n’étais pas à Rome : il allait dans les ‘festini’ (petites fêtes, littéralement), c'est-à-dire de soirées comme il y en a partout à Rome, où le monde politique le show-biz et les putes se mélangent. Il allait se faire masser et parfois sucer dans des ‘centres’ de beauté pour hommes, où il rencontrait ses copains parlementaires (il était chargé, à l’époque, des ‘rapports institutionnels’ d’une grande société italienne). Il était souvent un peu fauché. Il menait la grande vie. Il m’achetait parfois des cadeaux coûteux ; certains, je les ai gardé. J’ai failli devenir une pute. Ne jamais te connaître. C’est le milieu romain qui te fait ça quasi automatiquement, si tu n’as pas un fond plus ou moins sain.
L’histoire de la demoiselle qui balance Berlusconi est une histoire banale, comme il y en des milliers tout les jours en Italie, autour de Berlusconi et de sa classe politique. Rome est une ville magnifique et extraordinairement accueillante, toute petite en réalité, car tout se passe dans certains hôtels, dans certains restaurants, et dans le quartier du Tridente, entre la grosse tranche de beurre ranci que Mussolini a érigé à coté du Colosseo (Il Vittoriale) et piazza del Popolo. C’est un quartier grand comme Fives, à peu près. Tout le monde se connaît. Tout le monde est habillé pareil. Les mecs sont cravatés, les filles ont les ongles vernies et les cheveux raids. Ça pue.
L’Italie est en ruine, depuis longtemps. Depuis la disparition du socialiste Bettino Craxi, elle n’a pas une classe politique crédible au gouvernement, juste un groupe de clown cravatés qui aime la richesse facile et les putes (ces derniers restent les plus respectables, dans l’histoire). Les gens qui travaillent, étudient, aiment, au Nord, au Centre, au Sud, ont fini par s’habituer à cette pourriture ; certains ont expatrié (comme moi), certains ont pris leur retraite et voient la chose de loin (comme mon père), certains sont dedans jusqu’au cou (comme mon frère). C’est un pays où il fait bon vivre. Tout le monde a la bonne humeur, la colère facile, l’insulte au bout des lèvres. La fille qui a balancé Berlusconi n’aura tout de même pas un avenir facile. Quelles que soient ses motivations, elle a été courageuse jusqu’à présent, elle se bat avec les moyens qui sont ceux de tout le monde, et dans un milieu pourri. Mais, je le répète, cela est à l’ordre du jour en Italie. Aujourd’hui L’Avvenire, journal des évêques italiens, demande à Berlusconi des explications sur cette affaire sordide. C’est oublier que cela a toujours existé, et que cet homme est depuis des années au centre d’un réseau mafieux qui dicte la loi (littéralement). Que l’église se rebelle (faiblement) aujourd’hui, cela me fait bien rire. Tout le Vatican mange aux restaurants mafieux de la capitale. Qu’est-ce que ce moralisme de la dernière heure ? L’Italie sera toujours foutue, jusqu’à ce que le Vatican existera.
jeudi 18 juin 2009
mardi 9 juin 2009
lundi 8 juin 2009
jeudi 4 juin 2009
O.B.Hussein in Cairo
I am honored to be in the timeless city of Cairo, and to be hosted by two remarkable institutions. For over a thousand years, Al-Azhar has stood as a beacon of Islamic learning, and for over a century, Cairo University has been a source of Egypt's advancement. Together, you represent the harmony between tradition and progress. I am grateful for your hospitality, and the hospitality of the people of Egypt. I am also proud to carry with me the goodwill of the American people, and a greeting of peace from Muslim communities in my country: assalaamu alaykum. We meet at a time of tension between the United States and Muslims around the world - tension rooted in historical forces that go beyond any current policy debate. The relationship between Islam and the West includes centuries of co-existence and cooperation, but also conflict and religious wars. More recently, tension has been fed by colonialism that denied rights and opportunities to many Muslims, and a Cold War in which Muslim-majority countries were too often treated as proxies without regard to their own aspirations.
Moreover, the sweeping change brought by modernity and globalization led many Muslims to view the West as hostile to the traditions of Islam. Violent extremists have exploited these tensions in a small but potent minority of Muslims. The attacks of September 11th, 2001 and the continued efforts of these extremists to engage in violence against civilians has led some in my country to view Islam as inevitably hostile not only to America and Western countries, but also to human rights. This has bred more fear and mistrust. So long as our relationship is defined by our differences, we will empower those who sow hatred rather than peace, and who promote conflict rather than the cooperation that can help all of our people achieve justice and prosperity. This cycle of suspicion and discord must end. I have come here to seek a new beginning between the United States and Muslims around the world; one based upon mutual interest and mutual respect; and one based upon the truth that America and Islam are not exclusive, and need not be in competition. Instead, they overlap, and share common principles - principles of justice and progress; tolerance and the dignity of all human beings. I do so recognizing that change cannot happen overnight. No single speech can eradicate years of mistrust, nor can I answer in the time that I have all the complex questions that brought us to this point. But I am convinced that in order to move forward, we must say openly the things we hold in our hearts, and that too often are said only behind closed doors.
There must be a sustained effort to listen to each other; to learn from each other; to respect one another; and to seek common ground. As the Holy Koran tells us, "Be conscious of God and speak always the truth." That is what I will try to do - to speak the truth as best I can, humbled by the task before us, and firm in my belief that the interests we share as human beings are far more powerful than the forces that drive us apart. Part of this conviction is rooted in my own experience. I am a Christian, but my father came from a Kenyan family that includes generations of Muslims. As a boy, I spent several years in Indonesia and heard the call of the azaan at the break of dawn and the fall of dusk. As a young man, I worked in Chicago communities where many found dignity and peace in their Muslim faith. As a student of history, I also know civilization's debt to Islam. It was Islam - at places like Al-Azhar University - that carried the light of learning through so many centuries, paving the way for Europe's Renaissance and Enlightenment. It was innovation in Muslim communities that developed the order of algebra; our magnetic compass and tools of navigation; our mastery of pens and printing; our understanding of how disease spreads and how it can be healed.
Islamic culture has given us majestic arches and soaring spires; timeless poetry and cherished music; elegant calligraphy and places of peaceful contemplation. And throughout history, Islam has demonstrated through words and deeds the possibilities of religious tolerance and racial equality. I know, too, that Islam has always been a part of America's story. The first nation to recognize my country was Morocco. In signing the Treaty of Tripoli in 1796, our second President John Adams wrote, "The United States has in itself no character of enmity against the laws, religion or tranquility of Muslims." And since our founding, American Muslims have enriched the United States. They have fought in our wars, served in government, stood for civil rights, started businesses, taught at our Universities, excelled in our sports arenas, won Nobel Prizes, built our tallest building, and lit the Olympic Torch. And when the first Muslim-American was recently elected to Congress, he took the oath to defend our Constitution using the same Holy Koran that one of our Founding Fathers - Thomas Jefferson - kept in his personal library. So I have known Islam on three continents before coming to the region where it was first revealed. That experience guides my conviction that partnership between America and Islam must be based on what Islam is, not what it isn't. And I consider it part of my responsibility as President of the United States to fight against negative stereotypes of Islam wherever they appear. But that same principle must apply to Muslim perceptions of America. Just as Muslims do not fit a crude stereotype, America is not the crude stereotype of a self-interested empire. The United States has been one of the greatest sources of progress that the world has ever known.
We were born out of revolution against an empire. We were founded upon the ideal that all are created equal, and we have shed blood and struggled for centuries to give meaning to those words - within our borders, and around the world. We are shaped by every culture, drawn from every end of the Earth, and dedicated to a simple concept: E pluribus unum: "Out of many, one." Much has been made of the fact that an African-American with the name Barack Hussein Obama could be elected President. But my personal story is not so unique. The dream of opportunity for all people has not come true for everyone in America, but its promise exists for all who come to our shores - that includes nearly seven million American Muslims in our country today who enjoy incomes and education that are higher than average. Moreover, freedom in America is indivisible from the freedom to practice one's religion. That is why there is a mosque in every state of our union, and over 1,200 mosques within our borders. That is why the U. S. government has gone to court to protect the right of women and girls to wear the hijab, and to punish those who would deny it. So let there be no doubt: Islam is a part of America. And I believe that America holds within her the truth that regardless of race, religion, or station in life, all of us share common aspirations - to live in peace and security; to get an education and to work with dignity; to love our families, our communities, and our God.
These things we share. This is the hope of all humanity. Of course, recognizing our common humanity is only the beginning of our task. Words alone cannot meet the needs of our people. These needs will be met only if we act boldly in the years ahead; and if we understand that the challenges we face are shared, and our failure to meet them will hurt us all. For we have learned from recent experience that when a financial system weakens in one country, prosperity is hurt everywhere. When a new flu infects one human being, all are at risk. When one nation pursues a nuclear weapon, the risk of nuclear attack rises for all nations. When violent extremists operate in one stretch of mountains, people are endangered across an ocean. And when innocents in Bosnia and Darfur are slaughtered, that is a stain on our collective conscience. That is what it means to share this world in the 21st century. That is the responsibility we have to one another as human beings. This is a difficult responsibility to embrace. For human history has often been a record of nations and tribes subjugating one another to serve their own interests. Yet in this new age, such attitudes are self-defeating. Given our interdependence, any world order that elevates one nation or group of people over another will inevitably fail. So whatever we think of the past, we must not be prisoners of it. Our problems must be dealt with through partnership; progress must be shared. That does not mean we should ignore sources of tension. Indeed, it suggests the opposite: we must face these tensions squarely. And so in that spirit, let me speak as clearly and plainly as I can about some specific issues that I believe we must finally confront together. The first issue that we have to confront is violent extremism in all of its forms.
In Ankara, I made clear that America is not - and never will be - at war with Islam. We will, however, relentlessly confront violent extremists who pose a grave threat to our security. Because we reject the same thing that people of all faiths reject: the killing of innocent men, women, and children. And it is my first duty as President to protect the American people. The situation in Afghanistan demonstrates America's goals, and our need to work together. Over seven years ago, the United States pursued al Qaeda and the Taliban with broad international support. We did not go by choice, we went because of necessity. I am aware that some question or justify the events of 9/11. But let us be clear: al Qaeda killed nearly 3,000 people on that day. The victims were innocent men, women and children from America and many other nations who had done nothing to harm anybody. And yet Al Qaeda chose to ruthlessly murder these people, claimed credit for the attack, and even now states their determination to kill on a massive scale. They have affiliates in many countries and are trying to expand their reach. These are not opinions to be debated; these are facts to be dealt with. Make no mistake: we do not want to keep our troops in Afghanistan. We seek no military bases there. It is agonizing for America to lose our young men and women. It is costly and politically difficult to continue this conflict. We would gladly bring every single one of our troops home if we could be confident that there were not violent extremists in Afghanistan and Pakistan determined to kill as many Americans as they possibly can. But that is not yet the case. That's why we're partnering with a coalition of forty-six countries. And despite the costs involved, America's commitment will not weaken. Indeed, none of us should tolerate these extremists. They have killed in many countries. They have killed people of different faiths - more than any other, they have killed Muslims. Their actions are irreconcilable with the rights of human beings, the progress of nations, and with Islam. The Holy Koran teaches that whoever kills an innocent, it is as if he has killed all mankind; and whoever saves a person, it is as if he has saved all mankind. The enduring faith of over a billion people is so much bigger than the narrow hatred of a few.
Islam is not part of the problem in combating violent extremism - it is an important part of promoting peace. We also know that military power alone is not going to solve the problems in Afghanistan and Pakistan. That is why we plan to invest $1.5 billion each year over the next five years to partner with Pakistanis to build schools and hospitals, roads and businesses, and hundreds of millions to help those who have been displaced. And that is why we are providing more than $2.8 billion to help Afghans develop their economy and deliver services that people depend upon. Let me also address the issue of Iraq. Unlike Afghanistan, Iraq was a war of choice that provoked strong differences in my country and around the world. Although I believe that the Iraqi people are ultimately better off without the tyranny of Saddam Hussein, I also believe that events in Iraq have reminded America of the need to use diplomacy and build international consensus to resolve our problems whenever possible. Indeed, we can recall the words of Thomas Jefferson, who said: "I hope that our wisdom will grow with our power, and teach us that the less we use our power the greater it will be." Today, America has a dual responsibility: to help Iraq forge a better future - and to leave Iraq to Iraqis. I have made it clear to the Iraqi people that we pursue no bases, and no claim on their territory or resources. Iraq's sovereignty is its own. That is why I ordered the removal of our combat brigades by next August. That is why we will honor our agreement with Iraq's democratically-elected government to remove combat troops from Iraqi cities by July, and to remove all our troops from Iraq by 2012. We will help Iraq train its Security Forces and develop its economy.
But we will support a secure and united Iraq as a partner, and never as a patron. And finally, just as America can never tolerate violence by extremists, we must never alter our principles. 9/11 was an enormous trauma to our country. The fear and anger that it provoked was understandable, but in some cases, it led us to act contrary to our ideals. We are taking concrete actions to change course. I have unequivocally prohibited the use of torture by the United States, and I have ordered the prison at Guantanamo Bay closed by early next year. So America will defend itself respectful of the sovereignty of nations and the rule of law. And we will do so in partnership with Muslim communities which are also threatened. The sooner the extremists are isolated and unwelcome in Muslim communities, the sooner we will all be safer. The second major source of tension that we need to discuss is the situation between Israelis, Palestinians and the Arab world. America's strong bonds with Israel are well known. This bond is unbreakable. It is based upon cultural and historical ties, and the recognition that the aspiration for a Jewish homeland is rooted in a tragic history that cannot be denied. Around the world, the Jewish people were persecuted for centuries, and anti-Semitism in Europe culminated in an unprecedented Holocaust. Tomorrow, I will visit Buchenwald, which was part of a network of camps where Jews were enslaved, tortured, shot and gassed to death by the Third Reich. Six million Jews were killed - more than the entire Jewish population of Israel today. Denying that fact is baseless, ignorant, and hateful. Threatening Israel with destruction - or repeating vile stereotypes about Jews - is deeply wrong, and only serves to evoke in the minds of Israelis this most painful of memories while preventing the peace that the people of this region deserve.
On the other hand, it is also undeniable that the Palestinian people - Muslims and Christians - have suffered in pursuit of a homeland. For more than sixty years they have endured the pain of dislocation. Many wait in refugee camps in the West Bank, Gaza, and neighboring lands for a life of peace and security that they have never been able to lead. They endure the daily humiliations - large and small - that come with occupation. So let there be no doubt: the situation for the Palestinian people is intolerable. America will not turn our backs on the legitimate Palestinian aspiration for dignity, opportunity, and a state of their own. For decades, there has been a stalemate: two peoples with legitimate aspirations, each with a painful history that makes compromise elusive. It is easy to point fingers - for Palestinians to point to the displacement brought by Israel's founding, and for Israelis to point to the constant hostility and attacks throughout its history from within its borders as well as beyond. But if we see this conflict only from one side or the other, then we will be blind to the truth: the only resolution is for the aspirations of both sides to be met through two states, where Israelis and Palestinians each live in peace and security. That is in Israel's interest, Palestine's interest, America's interest, and the world's interest. That is why I intend to personally pursue this outcome with all the patience that the task requires. The obligations that the parties have agreed to under the Road Map are clear. For peace to come, it is time for them - and all of us - to live up to our responsibilities. Palestinians must abandon violence. Resistance through violence and killing is wrong and does not succeed. For centuries, black people in America suffered the lash of the whip as slaves and the humiliation of segregation. But it was not violence that won full and equal rights. It was a peaceful and determined insistence upon the ideals at the center of America's founding. This same story can be told by people from South Africa to South Asia; from Eastern Europe to Indonesia. It's a story with a simple truth: that violence is a dead end. It is a sign of neither courage nor power to shoot rockets at sleeping children, or to blow up old women on a bus. That is not how moral authority is claimed; that is how it is surrendered.
Now is the time for Palestinians to focus on what they can build. The Palestinian Authority must develop its capacity to govern, with institutions that serve the needs of its people. Hamas does have support among some Palestinians, but they also have responsibilities. To play a role in fulfilling Palestinian aspirations, and to unify the Palestinian people, Hamas must put an end to violence, recognize past agreements, and recognize Israel's right to exist. At the same time, Israelis must acknowledge that just as Israel's right to exist cannot be denied, neither can Palestine's. The United States does not accept the legitimacy of continued Israeli settlements. This construction violates previous agreements and undermines efforts to achieve peace. It is time for these settlements to stop. Israel must also live up to its obligations to ensure that Palestinians can live, and work, and develop their society. And just as it devastates Palestinian families, the continuing humanitarian crisis in Gaza does not serve Israel's security; neither does the continuing lack of opportunity in the West Bank. Progress in the daily lives of the Palestinian people must be part of a road to peace, and Israel must take concrete steps to enable such progress. Finally, the Arab States must recognize that the Arab Peace Initiative was an important beginning, but not the end of their responsibilities. The Arab-Israeli conflict should no longer be used to distract the people of Arab nations from other problems. Instead, it must be a cause for action to help the Palestinian people develop the institutions that will sustain their state; to recognize Israel's legitimacy; and to choose progress over a self-defeating focus on the past. America will align our policies with those who pursue peace, and say in public what we say in private to Israelis and Palestinians and Arabs. We cannot impose peace. But privately, many Muslims recognize that Israel will not go away. Likewise, many Israelis recognize the need for a Palestinian state. It is time for us to act on what everyone knows to be true. Too many tears have flowed. Too much blood has been shed. All of us have a responsibility to work for the day when the mothers of Israelis and Palestinians can see their children grow up without fear; when the Holy Land of three great faiths is the place of peace that God intended it to be; when Jerusalem is a secure and lasting home for Jews and Christians and Muslims, and a place for all of the children of Abraham to mingle peacefully together as in the story of Isra, when Moses, Jesus, and Mohammed (peace be upon them) joined in prayer.
The third source of tension is our shared interest in the rights and responsibilities of nations on nuclear weapons. This issue has been a source of tension between the United States and the Islamic Republic of Iran. For many years, Iran has defined itself in part by its opposition to my country, and there is indeed a tumultuous history between us. In the middle of the Cold War, the United States played a role in the overthrow of a democratically-elected Iranian government. Since the Islamic Revolution, Iran has played a role in acts of hostage-taking and violence against U. S. troops and civilians. This history is well known. Rather than remain trapped in the past, I have made it clear to Iran's leaders and people that my country is prepared to move forward. The question, now, is not what Iran is against, but rather what future it wants to build. It will be hard to overcome decades of mistrust, but we will proceed with courage, rectitude and resolve. There will be many issues to discuss between our two countries, and we are willing to move forward without preconditions on the basis of mutual respect. But it is clear to all concerned that when it comes to nuclear weapons, we have reached a decisive point. This is not simply about America's interests. It is about preventing a nuclear arms race in the Middle East that could lead this region and the world down a hugely dangerous path. I understand those who protest that some countries have weapons that others do not. No single nation should pick and choose which nations hold nuclear weapons. That is why I strongly reaffirmed America's commitment to seek a world in which no nations hold nuclear weapons. And any nation - including Iran - should have the right to access peaceful nuclear power if it complies with its responsibilities under the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. That commitment is at the core of the Treaty, and it must be kept for all who fully abide by it. And I am hopeful that all countries in the region can share in this goal. The fourth issue that I will address is democracy. I know there has been controversy about the promotion of democracy in recent years, and much of this controversy is connected to the war in Iraq. So let me be clear: no system of government can or should be imposed upon one nation by any other. That does not lessen my commitment, however, to governments that reflect the will of the people. Each nation gives life to this principle in its own way, grounded in the traditions of its own people.
America does not presume to know what is best for everyone, just as we would not presume to pick the outcome of a peaceful election. But I do have an unyielding belief that all people yearn for certain things: the ability to speak your mind and have a say in how you are governed; confidence in the rule of law and the equal administration of justice; government that is transparent and doesn't steal from the people; the freedom to live as you choose. Those are not just American ideas, they are human rights, and that is why we will support them everywhere. There is no straight line to realize this promise. But this much is clear: governments that protect these rights are ultimately more stable, successful and secure. Suppressing ideas never succeeds in making them go away. America respects the right of all peaceful and law-abiding voices to be heard around the world, even if we disagree with them. And we will welcome all elected, peaceful governments - provided they govern with respect for all their people. This last point is important because there are some who advocate for democracy only when they are out of power; once in power, they are ruthless in suppressing the rights of others. No matter where it takes hold, government of the people and by the people sets a single standard for all who hold power: you must maintain your power through consent, not coercion; you must respect the rights of minorities, and participate with a spirit of tolerance and compromise; you must place the interests of your people and the legitimate workings of the political process above your party. Without these ingredients, elections alone do not make true democracy. The fifth issue that we must address together is religious freedom. Islam has a proud tradition of tolerance. We see it in the history of Andalusia and Cordoba during the Inquisition. I saw it firsthand as a child in Indonesia, where devout Christians worshiped freely in an overwhelmingly Muslim country. That is the spirit we need today. People in every country should be free to choose and live their faith based upon the persuasion of the mind, heart, and soul. This tolerance is essential for religion to thrive, but it is being challenged in many different ways. Among some Muslims, there is a disturbing tendency to measure one's own faith by the rejection of another's. The richness of religious diversity must be upheld - whether it is for Maronites in Lebanon or the Copts in Egypt. And fault lines must be closed among Muslims as well, as the divisions between Sunni and Shia have led to tragic violence, particularly in Iraq. Freedom of religion is central to the ability of peoples to live together. We must always examine the ways in which we protect it. For instance, in the United States, rules on charitable giving have made it harder for Muslims to fulfill their religious obligation. That is why I am committed to working with American Muslims to ensure that they can fulfill zakat.
Likewise, it is important for Western countries to avoid impeding Muslim citizens from practicing religion as they see fit - for instance, by dictating what clothes a Muslim woman should wear. We cannot disguise hostility towards any religion behind the pretence of liberalism. Indeed, faith should bring us together. That is why we are forging service projects in America that bring together Christians, Muslims, and Jews. That is why we welcome efforts like Saudi Arabian King Abdullah's Interfaith dialogue and Turkey's leadership in the Alliance of Civilizations. Around the world, we can turn dialogue into Interfaith service, so bridges between peoples lead to action - whether it is combating malaria in Africa, or providing relief after a natural disaster. The sixth issue that I want to address is women's rights. I know there is debate about this issue. I reject the view of some in the West that a woman who chooses to cover her hair is somehow less equal, but I do believe that a woman who is denied an education is denied equality. And it is no coincidence that countries where women are well-educated are far more likely to be prosperous. Now let me be clear: issues of women's equality are by no means simply an issue for Islam. In Turkey, Pakistan, Bangladesh and Indonesia, we have seen Muslim-majority countries elect a woman to lead. Meanwhile, the struggle for women's equality continues in many aspects of American life, and in countries around the world. Our daughters can contribute just as much to society as our sons, and our common prosperity will be advanced by allowing all humanity - men and women - to reach their full potential. I do not believe that women must make the same choices as men in order to be equal, and I respect those women who choose to live their lives in traditional roles. But it should be their choice. That is why the United States will partner with any Muslim-majority country to support expanded literacy for girls, and to help young women pursue employment through micro-financing that helps people live their dreams. Finally, I want to discuss economic development and opportunity. I know that for many, the face of globalization is contradictory.
The Internet and television can bring knowledge and information, but also offensive sexuality and mindless violence. Trade can bring new wealth and opportunities, but also huge disruptions and changing communities. In all nations - including my own - this change can bring fear. Fear that because of modernity we will lose of control over our economic choices, our politics, and most importantly our identities - those things we most cherish about our communities, our families, our traditions, and our faith. But I also know that human progress cannot be denied. There need not be contradiction between development and tradition. Countries like Japan and South Korea grew their economies while maintaining distinct cultures. The same is true for the astonishing progress within Muslim-majority countries from Kuala Lumpur to Dubai. In ancient times and in our times, Muslim communities have been at the forefront of innovation and education. This is important because no development strategy can be based only upon what comes out of the ground, nor can it be sustained while young people are out of work. Many Gulf States have enjoyed great wealth as a consequence of oil, and some are beginning to focus it on broader development. But all of us must recognize that education and innovation will be the currency of the 21st century, and in too many Muslim communities there remains underinvestment in these areas. I am emphasizing such investments within my country. And while America in the past has focused on oil and gas in this part of the world, we now seek a broader engagement. On education, we will expand exchange programs, and increase scholarships, like the one that brought my father to America, while encouraging more Americans to study in Muslim communities. And we will match promising Muslim students with internships in America; invest in on-line learning for teachers and children around the world; and create a new online network, so a teenager in Kansas can communicate instantly with a teenager in Cairo. On economic development, we will create a new corps of business volunteers to partner with counterparts in Muslim-majority countries. And I will host a Summit on Entrepreneurship this year to identify how we can deepen ties between business leaders, foundations and social entrepreneurs in the United States and Muslim communities around the world. On science and technology, we will launch a new fund to support technological development in Muslim-majority countries, and to help transfer ideas to the marketplace so they can create jobs. We will open centers of scientific excellence in Africa, the Middle East and Southeast Asia, and appoint new Science Envoys to collaborate on programs that develop new sources of energy, create green jobs, digitize records, clean water, and grow new crops. And today I am announcing a new global effort with the Organization of the Islamic Conference to eradicate polio. And we will also expand partnerships with Muslim communities to promote child and maternal health. All these things must be done in partnership. Americans are ready to join with citizens and governments; community organizations, religious leaders, and businesses in Muslim communities around the world to help our people pursue a better life.
The issues that I have described will not be easy to address. But we have a responsibility to join together on behalf of the world we seek - a world where extremists no longer threaten our people, and American troops have come home; a world where Israelis and Palestinians are each secure in a state of their own, and nuclear energy is used for peaceful purposes; a world where governments serve their citizens, and the rights of all God's children are respected. Those are mutual interests. That is the world we seek. But we can only achieve it together. I know there are many - Muslim and non-Muslim - who question whether we can forge this new beginning. Some are eager to stoke the flames of division, and to stand in the way of progress. Some suggest that it isn't worth the effort - that we are fated to disagree, and civilizations are doomed to clash. Many more are simply skeptical that real change can occur. There is so much fear, so much mistrust. But if we choose to be bound by the past, we will never move forward. And I want to particularly say this to young people of every faith, in every country - you, more than anyone, have the ability to remake this world. All of us share this world for but a brief moment in time. The question is whether we spend that time focused on what pushes us apart, or whether we commit ourselves to an effort - a sustained effort - to find common ground, to focus on the future we seek for our children, and to respect the dignity of all human beings. It is easier to start wars than to end them. It is easier to blame others than to look inward; to see what is different about someone than to find the things we share. But we should choose the right path, not just the easy path. There is also one rule that lies at the heart of every religion - that we do unto others as we would have them do unto us. This truth transcends nations and peoples - a belief that isn't new; that isn't black or white or brown; that isn't Christian, or Muslim or Jew. It's a belief that pulsed in the cradle of civilization, and that still beats in the heart of billions. It's a faith in other people, and it's what brought me here today. We have the power to make the world we seek, but only if we have the courage to make a new beginning, keeping in mind what has been written. The Holy Koran tells us, "O mankind! We have created you male and a female; and we have made you into nations and tribes so that you may know one another." The Talmud tells us: "The whole of the Torah is for the purpose of promoting peace." The Holy Bible tells us, "Blessed are the peacemakers, for they shall be called sons of God." The people of the world can live together in peace. We know that is God's vision. Now, that must be our work here on Earth. Thank you. And may God's peace be upon you. (4 juin 2009)
Moreover, the sweeping change brought by modernity and globalization led many Muslims to view the West as hostile to the traditions of Islam. Violent extremists have exploited these tensions in a small but potent minority of Muslims. The attacks of September 11th, 2001 and the continued efforts of these extremists to engage in violence against civilians has led some in my country to view Islam as inevitably hostile not only to America and Western countries, but also to human rights. This has bred more fear and mistrust. So long as our relationship is defined by our differences, we will empower those who sow hatred rather than peace, and who promote conflict rather than the cooperation that can help all of our people achieve justice and prosperity. This cycle of suspicion and discord must end. I have come here to seek a new beginning between the United States and Muslims around the world; one based upon mutual interest and mutual respect; and one based upon the truth that America and Islam are not exclusive, and need not be in competition. Instead, they overlap, and share common principles - principles of justice and progress; tolerance and the dignity of all human beings. I do so recognizing that change cannot happen overnight. No single speech can eradicate years of mistrust, nor can I answer in the time that I have all the complex questions that brought us to this point. But I am convinced that in order to move forward, we must say openly the things we hold in our hearts, and that too often are said only behind closed doors.
There must be a sustained effort to listen to each other; to learn from each other; to respect one another; and to seek common ground. As the Holy Koran tells us, "Be conscious of God and speak always the truth." That is what I will try to do - to speak the truth as best I can, humbled by the task before us, and firm in my belief that the interests we share as human beings are far more powerful than the forces that drive us apart. Part of this conviction is rooted in my own experience. I am a Christian, but my father came from a Kenyan family that includes generations of Muslims. As a boy, I spent several years in Indonesia and heard the call of the azaan at the break of dawn and the fall of dusk. As a young man, I worked in Chicago communities where many found dignity and peace in their Muslim faith. As a student of history, I also know civilization's debt to Islam. It was Islam - at places like Al-Azhar University - that carried the light of learning through so many centuries, paving the way for Europe's Renaissance and Enlightenment. It was innovation in Muslim communities that developed the order of algebra; our magnetic compass and tools of navigation; our mastery of pens and printing; our understanding of how disease spreads and how it can be healed.
Islamic culture has given us majestic arches and soaring spires; timeless poetry and cherished music; elegant calligraphy and places of peaceful contemplation. And throughout history, Islam has demonstrated through words and deeds the possibilities of religious tolerance and racial equality. I know, too, that Islam has always been a part of America's story. The first nation to recognize my country was Morocco. In signing the Treaty of Tripoli in 1796, our second President John Adams wrote, "The United States has in itself no character of enmity against the laws, religion or tranquility of Muslims." And since our founding, American Muslims have enriched the United States. They have fought in our wars, served in government, stood for civil rights, started businesses, taught at our Universities, excelled in our sports arenas, won Nobel Prizes, built our tallest building, and lit the Olympic Torch. And when the first Muslim-American was recently elected to Congress, he took the oath to defend our Constitution using the same Holy Koran that one of our Founding Fathers - Thomas Jefferson - kept in his personal library. So I have known Islam on three continents before coming to the region where it was first revealed. That experience guides my conviction that partnership between America and Islam must be based on what Islam is, not what it isn't. And I consider it part of my responsibility as President of the United States to fight against negative stereotypes of Islam wherever they appear. But that same principle must apply to Muslim perceptions of America. Just as Muslims do not fit a crude stereotype, America is not the crude stereotype of a self-interested empire. The United States has been one of the greatest sources of progress that the world has ever known.
We were born out of revolution against an empire. We were founded upon the ideal that all are created equal, and we have shed blood and struggled for centuries to give meaning to those words - within our borders, and around the world. We are shaped by every culture, drawn from every end of the Earth, and dedicated to a simple concept: E pluribus unum: "Out of many, one." Much has been made of the fact that an African-American with the name Barack Hussein Obama could be elected President. But my personal story is not so unique. The dream of opportunity for all people has not come true for everyone in America, but its promise exists for all who come to our shores - that includes nearly seven million American Muslims in our country today who enjoy incomes and education that are higher than average. Moreover, freedom in America is indivisible from the freedom to practice one's religion. That is why there is a mosque in every state of our union, and over 1,200 mosques within our borders. That is why the U. S. government has gone to court to protect the right of women and girls to wear the hijab, and to punish those who would deny it. So let there be no doubt: Islam is a part of America. And I believe that America holds within her the truth that regardless of race, religion, or station in life, all of us share common aspirations - to live in peace and security; to get an education and to work with dignity; to love our families, our communities, and our God.
These things we share. This is the hope of all humanity. Of course, recognizing our common humanity is only the beginning of our task. Words alone cannot meet the needs of our people. These needs will be met only if we act boldly in the years ahead; and if we understand that the challenges we face are shared, and our failure to meet them will hurt us all. For we have learned from recent experience that when a financial system weakens in one country, prosperity is hurt everywhere. When a new flu infects one human being, all are at risk. When one nation pursues a nuclear weapon, the risk of nuclear attack rises for all nations. When violent extremists operate in one stretch of mountains, people are endangered across an ocean. And when innocents in Bosnia and Darfur are slaughtered, that is a stain on our collective conscience. That is what it means to share this world in the 21st century. That is the responsibility we have to one another as human beings. This is a difficult responsibility to embrace. For human history has often been a record of nations and tribes subjugating one another to serve their own interests. Yet in this new age, such attitudes are self-defeating. Given our interdependence, any world order that elevates one nation or group of people over another will inevitably fail. So whatever we think of the past, we must not be prisoners of it. Our problems must be dealt with through partnership; progress must be shared. That does not mean we should ignore sources of tension. Indeed, it suggests the opposite: we must face these tensions squarely. And so in that spirit, let me speak as clearly and plainly as I can about some specific issues that I believe we must finally confront together. The first issue that we have to confront is violent extremism in all of its forms.
In Ankara, I made clear that America is not - and never will be - at war with Islam. We will, however, relentlessly confront violent extremists who pose a grave threat to our security. Because we reject the same thing that people of all faiths reject: the killing of innocent men, women, and children. And it is my first duty as President to protect the American people. The situation in Afghanistan demonstrates America's goals, and our need to work together. Over seven years ago, the United States pursued al Qaeda and the Taliban with broad international support. We did not go by choice, we went because of necessity. I am aware that some question or justify the events of 9/11. But let us be clear: al Qaeda killed nearly 3,000 people on that day. The victims were innocent men, women and children from America and many other nations who had done nothing to harm anybody. And yet Al Qaeda chose to ruthlessly murder these people, claimed credit for the attack, and even now states their determination to kill on a massive scale. They have affiliates in many countries and are trying to expand their reach. These are not opinions to be debated; these are facts to be dealt with. Make no mistake: we do not want to keep our troops in Afghanistan. We seek no military bases there. It is agonizing for America to lose our young men and women. It is costly and politically difficult to continue this conflict. We would gladly bring every single one of our troops home if we could be confident that there were not violent extremists in Afghanistan and Pakistan determined to kill as many Americans as they possibly can. But that is not yet the case. That's why we're partnering with a coalition of forty-six countries. And despite the costs involved, America's commitment will not weaken. Indeed, none of us should tolerate these extremists. They have killed in many countries. They have killed people of different faiths - more than any other, they have killed Muslims. Their actions are irreconcilable with the rights of human beings, the progress of nations, and with Islam. The Holy Koran teaches that whoever kills an innocent, it is as if he has killed all mankind; and whoever saves a person, it is as if he has saved all mankind. The enduring faith of over a billion people is so much bigger than the narrow hatred of a few.
Islam is not part of the problem in combating violent extremism - it is an important part of promoting peace. We also know that military power alone is not going to solve the problems in Afghanistan and Pakistan. That is why we plan to invest $1.5 billion each year over the next five years to partner with Pakistanis to build schools and hospitals, roads and businesses, and hundreds of millions to help those who have been displaced. And that is why we are providing more than $2.8 billion to help Afghans develop their economy and deliver services that people depend upon. Let me also address the issue of Iraq. Unlike Afghanistan, Iraq was a war of choice that provoked strong differences in my country and around the world. Although I believe that the Iraqi people are ultimately better off without the tyranny of Saddam Hussein, I also believe that events in Iraq have reminded America of the need to use diplomacy and build international consensus to resolve our problems whenever possible. Indeed, we can recall the words of Thomas Jefferson, who said: "I hope that our wisdom will grow with our power, and teach us that the less we use our power the greater it will be." Today, America has a dual responsibility: to help Iraq forge a better future - and to leave Iraq to Iraqis. I have made it clear to the Iraqi people that we pursue no bases, and no claim on their territory or resources. Iraq's sovereignty is its own. That is why I ordered the removal of our combat brigades by next August. That is why we will honor our agreement with Iraq's democratically-elected government to remove combat troops from Iraqi cities by July, and to remove all our troops from Iraq by 2012. We will help Iraq train its Security Forces and develop its economy.
But we will support a secure and united Iraq as a partner, and never as a patron. And finally, just as America can never tolerate violence by extremists, we must never alter our principles. 9/11 was an enormous trauma to our country. The fear and anger that it provoked was understandable, but in some cases, it led us to act contrary to our ideals. We are taking concrete actions to change course. I have unequivocally prohibited the use of torture by the United States, and I have ordered the prison at Guantanamo Bay closed by early next year. So America will defend itself respectful of the sovereignty of nations and the rule of law. And we will do so in partnership with Muslim communities which are also threatened. The sooner the extremists are isolated and unwelcome in Muslim communities, the sooner we will all be safer. The second major source of tension that we need to discuss is the situation between Israelis, Palestinians and the Arab world. America's strong bonds with Israel are well known. This bond is unbreakable. It is based upon cultural and historical ties, and the recognition that the aspiration for a Jewish homeland is rooted in a tragic history that cannot be denied. Around the world, the Jewish people were persecuted for centuries, and anti-Semitism in Europe culminated in an unprecedented Holocaust. Tomorrow, I will visit Buchenwald, which was part of a network of camps where Jews were enslaved, tortured, shot and gassed to death by the Third Reich. Six million Jews were killed - more than the entire Jewish population of Israel today. Denying that fact is baseless, ignorant, and hateful. Threatening Israel with destruction - or repeating vile stereotypes about Jews - is deeply wrong, and only serves to evoke in the minds of Israelis this most painful of memories while preventing the peace that the people of this region deserve.
On the other hand, it is also undeniable that the Palestinian people - Muslims and Christians - have suffered in pursuit of a homeland. For more than sixty years they have endured the pain of dislocation. Many wait in refugee camps in the West Bank, Gaza, and neighboring lands for a life of peace and security that they have never been able to lead. They endure the daily humiliations - large and small - that come with occupation. So let there be no doubt: the situation for the Palestinian people is intolerable. America will not turn our backs on the legitimate Palestinian aspiration for dignity, opportunity, and a state of their own. For decades, there has been a stalemate: two peoples with legitimate aspirations, each with a painful history that makes compromise elusive. It is easy to point fingers - for Palestinians to point to the displacement brought by Israel's founding, and for Israelis to point to the constant hostility and attacks throughout its history from within its borders as well as beyond. But if we see this conflict only from one side or the other, then we will be blind to the truth: the only resolution is for the aspirations of both sides to be met through two states, where Israelis and Palestinians each live in peace and security. That is in Israel's interest, Palestine's interest, America's interest, and the world's interest. That is why I intend to personally pursue this outcome with all the patience that the task requires. The obligations that the parties have agreed to under the Road Map are clear. For peace to come, it is time for them - and all of us - to live up to our responsibilities. Palestinians must abandon violence. Resistance through violence and killing is wrong and does not succeed. For centuries, black people in America suffered the lash of the whip as slaves and the humiliation of segregation. But it was not violence that won full and equal rights. It was a peaceful and determined insistence upon the ideals at the center of America's founding. This same story can be told by people from South Africa to South Asia; from Eastern Europe to Indonesia. It's a story with a simple truth: that violence is a dead end. It is a sign of neither courage nor power to shoot rockets at sleeping children, or to blow up old women on a bus. That is not how moral authority is claimed; that is how it is surrendered.
Now is the time for Palestinians to focus on what they can build. The Palestinian Authority must develop its capacity to govern, with institutions that serve the needs of its people. Hamas does have support among some Palestinians, but they also have responsibilities. To play a role in fulfilling Palestinian aspirations, and to unify the Palestinian people, Hamas must put an end to violence, recognize past agreements, and recognize Israel's right to exist. At the same time, Israelis must acknowledge that just as Israel's right to exist cannot be denied, neither can Palestine's. The United States does not accept the legitimacy of continued Israeli settlements. This construction violates previous agreements and undermines efforts to achieve peace. It is time for these settlements to stop. Israel must also live up to its obligations to ensure that Palestinians can live, and work, and develop their society. And just as it devastates Palestinian families, the continuing humanitarian crisis in Gaza does not serve Israel's security; neither does the continuing lack of opportunity in the West Bank. Progress in the daily lives of the Palestinian people must be part of a road to peace, and Israel must take concrete steps to enable such progress. Finally, the Arab States must recognize that the Arab Peace Initiative was an important beginning, but not the end of their responsibilities. The Arab-Israeli conflict should no longer be used to distract the people of Arab nations from other problems. Instead, it must be a cause for action to help the Palestinian people develop the institutions that will sustain their state; to recognize Israel's legitimacy; and to choose progress over a self-defeating focus on the past. America will align our policies with those who pursue peace, and say in public what we say in private to Israelis and Palestinians and Arabs. We cannot impose peace. But privately, many Muslims recognize that Israel will not go away. Likewise, many Israelis recognize the need for a Palestinian state. It is time for us to act on what everyone knows to be true. Too many tears have flowed. Too much blood has been shed. All of us have a responsibility to work for the day when the mothers of Israelis and Palestinians can see their children grow up without fear; when the Holy Land of three great faiths is the place of peace that God intended it to be; when Jerusalem is a secure and lasting home for Jews and Christians and Muslims, and a place for all of the children of Abraham to mingle peacefully together as in the story of Isra, when Moses, Jesus, and Mohammed (peace be upon them) joined in prayer.
The third source of tension is our shared interest in the rights and responsibilities of nations on nuclear weapons. This issue has been a source of tension between the United States and the Islamic Republic of Iran. For many years, Iran has defined itself in part by its opposition to my country, and there is indeed a tumultuous history between us. In the middle of the Cold War, the United States played a role in the overthrow of a democratically-elected Iranian government. Since the Islamic Revolution, Iran has played a role in acts of hostage-taking and violence against U. S. troops and civilians. This history is well known. Rather than remain trapped in the past, I have made it clear to Iran's leaders and people that my country is prepared to move forward. The question, now, is not what Iran is against, but rather what future it wants to build. It will be hard to overcome decades of mistrust, but we will proceed with courage, rectitude and resolve. There will be many issues to discuss between our two countries, and we are willing to move forward without preconditions on the basis of mutual respect. But it is clear to all concerned that when it comes to nuclear weapons, we have reached a decisive point. This is not simply about America's interests. It is about preventing a nuclear arms race in the Middle East that could lead this region and the world down a hugely dangerous path. I understand those who protest that some countries have weapons that others do not. No single nation should pick and choose which nations hold nuclear weapons. That is why I strongly reaffirmed America's commitment to seek a world in which no nations hold nuclear weapons. And any nation - including Iran - should have the right to access peaceful nuclear power if it complies with its responsibilities under the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. That commitment is at the core of the Treaty, and it must be kept for all who fully abide by it. And I am hopeful that all countries in the region can share in this goal. The fourth issue that I will address is democracy. I know there has been controversy about the promotion of democracy in recent years, and much of this controversy is connected to the war in Iraq. So let me be clear: no system of government can or should be imposed upon one nation by any other. That does not lessen my commitment, however, to governments that reflect the will of the people. Each nation gives life to this principle in its own way, grounded in the traditions of its own people.
America does not presume to know what is best for everyone, just as we would not presume to pick the outcome of a peaceful election. But I do have an unyielding belief that all people yearn for certain things: the ability to speak your mind and have a say in how you are governed; confidence in the rule of law and the equal administration of justice; government that is transparent and doesn't steal from the people; the freedom to live as you choose. Those are not just American ideas, they are human rights, and that is why we will support them everywhere. There is no straight line to realize this promise. But this much is clear: governments that protect these rights are ultimately more stable, successful and secure. Suppressing ideas never succeeds in making them go away. America respects the right of all peaceful and law-abiding voices to be heard around the world, even if we disagree with them. And we will welcome all elected, peaceful governments - provided they govern with respect for all their people. This last point is important because there are some who advocate for democracy only when they are out of power; once in power, they are ruthless in suppressing the rights of others. No matter where it takes hold, government of the people and by the people sets a single standard for all who hold power: you must maintain your power through consent, not coercion; you must respect the rights of minorities, and participate with a spirit of tolerance and compromise; you must place the interests of your people and the legitimate workings of the political process above your party. Without these ingredients, elections alone do not make true democracy. The fifth issue that we must address together is religious freedom. Islam has a proud tradition of tolerance. We see it in the history of Andalusia and Cordoba during the Inquisition. I saw it firsthand as a child in Indonesia, where devout Christians worshiped freely in an overwhelmingly Muslim country. That is the spirit we need today. People in every country should be free to choose and live their faith based upon the persuasion of the mind, heart, and soul. This tolerance is essential for religion to thrive, but it is being challenged in many different ways. Among some Muslims, there is a disturbing tendency to measure one's own faith by the rejection of another's. The richness of religious diversity must be upheld - whether it is for Maronites in Lebanon or the Copts in Egypt. And fault lines must be closed among Muslims as well, as the divisions between Sunni and Shia have led to tragic violence, particularly in Iraq. Freedom of religion is central to the ability of peoples to live together. We must always examine the ways in which we protect it. For instance, in the United States, rules on charitable giving have made it harder for Muslims to fulfill their religious obligation. That is why I am committed to working with American Muslims to ensure that they can fulfill zakat.
Likewise, it is important for Western countries to avoid impeding Muslim citizens from practicing religion as they see fit - for instance, by dictating what clothes a Muslim woman should wear. We cannot disguise hostility towards any religion behind the pretence of liberalism. Indeed, faith should bring us together. That is why we are forging service projects in America that bring together Christians, Muslims, and Jews. That is why we welcome efforts like Saudi Arabian King Abdullah's Interfaith dialogue and Turkey's leadership in the Alliance of Civilizations. Around the world, we can turn dialogue into Interfaith service, so bridges between peoples lead to action - whether it is combating malaria in Africa, or providing relief after a natural disaster. The sixth issue that I want to address is women's rights. I know there is debate about this issue. I reject the view of some in the West that a woman who chooses to cover her hair is somehow less equal, but I do believe that a woman who is denied an education is denied equality. And it is no coincidence that countries where women are well-educated are far more likely to be prosperous. Now let me be clear: issues of women's equality are by no means simply an issue for Islam. In Turkey, Pakistan, Bangladesh and Indonesia, we have seen Muslim-majority countries elect a woman to lead. Meanwhile, the struggle for women's equality continues in many aspects of American life, and in countries around the world. Our daughters can contribute just as much to society as our sons, and our common prosperity will be advanced by allowing all humanity - men and women - to reach their full potential. I do not believe that women must make the same choices as men in order to be equal, and I respect those women who choose to live their lives in traditional roles. But it should be their choice. That is why the United States will partner with any Muslim-majority country to support expanded literacy for girls, and to help young women pursue employment through micro-financing that helps people live their dreams. Finally, I want to discuss economic development and opportunity. I know that for many, the face of globalization is contradictory.
The Internet and television can bring knowledge and information, but also offensive sexuality and mindless violence. Trade can bring new wealth and opportunities, but also huge disruptions and changing communities. In all nations - including my own - this change can bring fear. Fear that because of modernity we will lose of control over our economic choices, our politics, and most importantly our identities - those things we most cherish about our communities, our families, our traditions, and our faith. But I also know that human progress cannot be denied. There need not be contradiction between development and tradition. Countries like Japan and South Korea grew their economies while maintaining distinct cultures. The same is true for the astonishing progress within Muslim-majority countries from Kuala Lumpur to Dubai. In ancient times and in our times, Muslim communities have been at the forefront of innovation and education. This is important because no development strategy can be based only upon what comes out of the ground, nor can it be sustained while young people are out of work. Many Gulf States have enjoyed great wealth as a consequence of oil, and some are beginning to focus it on broader development. But all of us must recognize that education and innovation will be the currency of the 21st century, and in too many Muslim communities there remains underinvestment in these areas. I am emphasizing such investments within my country. And while America in the past has focused on oil and gas in this part of the world, we now seek a broader engagement. On education, we will expand exchange programs, and increase scholarships, like the one that brought my father to America, while encouraging more Americans to study in Muslim communities. And we will match promising Muslim students with internships in America; invest in on-line learning for teachers and children around the world; and create a new online network, so a teenager in Kansas can communicate instantly with a teenager in Cairo. On economic development, we will create a new corps of business volunteers to partner with counterparts in Muslim-majority countries. And I will host a Summit on Entrepreneurship this year to identify how we can deepen ties between business leaders, foundations and social entrepreneurs in the United States and Muslim communities around the world. On science and technology, we will launch a new fund to support technological development in Muslim-majority countries, and to help transfer ideas to the marketplace so they can create jobs. We will open centers of scientific excellence in Africa, the Middle East and Southeast Asia, and appoint new Science Envoys to collaborate on programs that develop new sources of energy, create green jobs, digitize records, clean water, and grow new crops. And today I am announcing a new global effort with the Organization of the Islamic Conference to eradicate polio. And we will also expand partnerships with Muslim communities to promote child and maternal health. All these things must be done in partnership. Americans are ready to join with citizens and governments; community organizations, religious leaders, and businesses in Muslim communities around the world to help our people pursue a better life.
The issues that I have described will not be easy to address. But we have a responsibility to join together on behalf of the world we seek - a world where extremists no longer threaten our people, and American troops have come home; a world where Israelis and Palestinians are each secure in a state of their own, and nuclear energy is used for peaceful purposes; a world where governments serve their citizens, and the rights of all God's children are respected. Those are mutual interests. That is the world we seek. But we can only achieve it together. I know there are many - Muslim and non-Muslim - who question whether we can forge this new beginning. Some are eager to stoke the flames of division, and to stand in the way of progress. Some suggest that it isn't worth the effort - that we are fated to disagree, and civilizations are doomed to clash. Many more are simply skeptical that real change can occur. There is so much fear, so much mistrust. But if we choose to be bound by the past, we will never move forward. And I want to particularly say this to young people of every faith, in every country - you, more than anyone, have the ability to remake this world. All of us share this world for but a brief moment in time. The question is whether we spend that time focused on what pushes us apart, or whether we commit ourselves to an effort - a sustained effort - to find common ground, to focus on the future we seek for our children, and to respect the dignity of all human beings. It is easier to start wars than to end them. It is easier to blame others than to look inward; to see what is different about someone than to find the things we share. But we should choose the right path, not just the easy path. There is also one rule that lies at the heart of every religion - that we do unto others as we would have them do unto us. This truth transcends nations and peoples - a belief that isn't new; that isn't black or white or brown; that isn't Christian, or Muslim or Jew. It's a belief that pulsed in the cradle of civilization, and that still beats in the heart of billions. It's a faith in other people, and it's what brought me here today. We have the power to make the world we seek, but only if we have the courage to make a new beginning, keeping in mind what has been written. The Holy Koran tells us, "O mankind! We have created you male and a female; and we have made you into nations and tribes so that you may know one another." The Talmud tells us: "The whole of the Torah is for the purpose of promoting peace." The Holy Bible tells us, "Blessed are the peacemakers, for they shall be called sons of God." The people of the world can live together in peace. We know that is God's vision. Now, that must be our work here on Earth. Thank you. And may God's peace be upon you. (4 juin 2009)
mardi 26 mai 2009
Préliminaires
allez tous acheter le dernier album de Iggy Pop. Son énergie vous soulagera de la morne lumière de ce mai orageux.
samedi 16 mai 2009
lundi 11 mai 2009
dimanche 10 mai 2009
jeudi 23 avril 2009
dimanche 12 avril 2009
samedi 11 avril 2009
Histoires de voisinage
Histoires de voisinage qui tournent mal: La Femme d'à coté, François Truffaut, 1981. Avec deux superbes acteurs au sommet de leur carrière.
mercredi 1 avril 2009
mardi 24 mars 2009
Mon règne pour une baguette
Je sors. Non, pas à la guerre.
Juste à la boulangerie.
Enfin, l'important c'est d'en revenir. Peut-être blessée, mais en revenir.
dimanche 15 mars 2009
samedi 14 mars 2009
samedi 7 mars 2009
Heilige Nacht
Obligée, par la force des choses, à décliner toutes les invitations à des soirées, je vois autour de moi grandir la curiosité des uns et des autres: mais que fait-elle la nuit? on se demande...
Voici la réponse.
Voici la réponse.
lundi 2 mars 2009
L'amour d'Héloise
"Jamais, Dieu m'en est témoin, je n'ai cherché en toi que toi-même; c'est toi seul, non tes biens que j'aimais. Je n'ai songé ni aux liens du mariage, ni à la dot, ni à mes jouissances et à mes volontés personnelles. Ce sont les tiennes, tu le sais toi-même, que j'ai eu à cœur de satisfaire. Bien que le nom d'épouse paraisse plus sacré et plus fort, j'aurais mieux aimé pour moi celui d'amie, ou même, sans vouloir te choquer, celui de concubine et de putain; dans la pensée que, plus je me ferais humble pour toi, plus je m'acquerrais de titres à tes bonnes grâces, et moins je porterais atteinte au glorieux éclat de ton génie."
Héloïse à Abélard
(c'est beau, hein? je m'identifie 100%, hormis l'éclat de ton génie bien sûr...)
dimanche 1 mars 2009
Le vrai philosophe-roi
Lisez tous Jean-Louis Costes, Un Bunker en banlieu, Eretic, 2008.
Extrait: "Quand on est seul dans un bunker mental, ou dix dans une cave, ou deux ivres dans un lit, on oublie vite le code moral pénal..."
Et cette petite vidéo pour nous soulager de la déprime suite à l'article de Barbara Cassin.
Extrait: "Quand on est seul dans un bunker mental, ou dix dans une cave, ou deux ivres dans un lit, on oublie vite le code moral pénal..."
Et cette petite vidéo pour nous soulager de la déprime suite à l'article de Barbara Cassin.
vendredi 27 février 2009
jeudi 26 février 2009
Des nouvelles de mon désamour
S'il arrivait que ce livre tombe sous les yeux de gens heureux, qu'ils ne le lisent pas. Car, peut-être, s'il leur apparaît que leurs destins seront inconstants comme ceux racontés ici, leur plaisir en sera diminué. Ceci, où que je sois, me navrerait, parce qu'il suffisait grandement que je sois née pour mon malheur, sans faire encore celui des autres. Les gens tristes pourront le lire, mais il n'y en a plus, depuis que la pitié existe dans le cœur des femmes. Dans le cœur des femmes, oui, parce qu'il y a toujours eu dans celui des hommes du désamour. Mais je n'écris pas pour elles, car si grand est leur malheur qu'il ne peut être consolé par aucun autre, qui ne peut que les rendre plus tristes encore ; ce serait injuste que je veuille le leur faire lire, je leur demande plutôt instamment de fuir ce livre et toutes les causes de tristesse, mais malgré tout, rares seront les jours où elles seront heureuses, car ainsi en a décidé la malchance avec laquelle elles naissent.
Bernardim Ribeiro, Mémoires d'une jeune fille triste
(haut de page Jean-Baptiste Camille Corot, La mélancolie, environ 1860)
mercredi 25 février 2009
lundi 23 février 2009
N'y pensons plus
David Roberts au Caire. Des lithographies du XIX siècle pour oublier le présent.
Le quartier qu'on y voit est celui qui a été frappé par l'attentat d'hier soir.
Vous allez probablement pas me croire, mais je reconnais les lieux, ça n'a pas changé vraiment.
Voici comment se présentaient les choses hier soir, dans une photo publiée par Le Monde qui a choqué des lecteurs, qui commentent:
vous nous montrez des horreurs! Pas bien! Je vais me désabonner!
Le quartier qu'on y voit est celui qui a été frappé par l'attentat d'hier soir.
Vous allez probablement pas me croire, mais je reconnais les lieux, ça n'a pas changé vraiment.
Voici comment se présentaient les choses hier soir, dans une photo publiée par Le Monde qui a choqué des lecteurs, qui commentent:
vous nous montrez des horreurs! Pas bien! Je vais me désabonner!
Les mauvaises nouvelles arrivent toujours au soir
Ce matin encore, j'y pense avec obsession et sens le besoin d'en parler avec quelqu'un.
Juste hier, ou avant hier, je parlais à j. de la paix de mon balconnet sur la place al-Hussein, où je prenais le soleil, lisais, écrivais, coupais les ongles pendant que le monde défilait sous mes yeux. Un monde en paix, à priori, un monde qui se mélange et promène dans un lieu sacré...des couples, des enfants, des groupes de 'touristes', des religieux en djellaba, des heureux anonymes. Et moi aussi, heureuse, au-dessus de tout cela, à croire que ce lieu idéale restera à jamais mon refuge sans tâches...
Une bombe artisanale a explosé dans ce lieu idéale, juste hier soir.
Je me suis vite demandé si les haut-parleurs de la mosquée Al-Hussein ont lancé l'appelle à la prière du soir, dans les heures qui ont suivi l'explosion, cet appelle qui résonne dans la ville comme l'écho d'un vent venant d'ailleurs.
Je pense aux chasseurs de l'hôtel al-Hussein, ceux habillés en vert avec lesquels j'évitais de prendre l'ascenseur et qui m'ont offert un bon thé chaud la nuit de mon départ.
Sont-ils traumatisés? Ont-ils lancé la grenade depuis la terrasse de l'hôtel, où j'ai passé de si purs moments de contemplation, en écrivant comme une débile mon journal intime? Le terroriste, est-il celui qui te sert le café le matin et qui laisse également rentrer, pour une poignée de guinées, des gens louches dans l'hôtel?
Encore trop choquée pour savoir quoi en dire, je médite cette image de David Roberts, dont j'ai vu récemment une vue de Jordanie qui était très bien aussi.
Juste hier, ou avant hier, je parlais à j. de la paix de mon balconnet sur la place al-Hussein, où je prenais le soleil, lisais, écrivais, coupais les ongles pendant que le monde défilait sous mes yeux. Un monde en paix, à priori, un monde qui se mélange et promène dans un lieu sacré...des couples, des enfants, des groupes de 'touristes', des religieux en djellaba, des heureux anonymes. Et moi aussi, heureuse, au-dessus de tout cela, à croire que ce lieu idéale restera à jamais mon refuge sans tâches...
Une bombe artisanale a explosé dans ce lieu idéale, juste hier soir.
Je me suis vite demandé si les haut-parleurs de la mosquée Al-Hussein ont lancé l'appelle à la prière du soir, dans les heures qui ont suivi l'explosion, cet appelle qui résonne dans la ville comme l'écho d'un vent venant d'ailleurs.
Je pense aux chasseurs de l'hôtel al-Hussein, ceux habillés en vert avec lesquels j'évitais de prendre l'ascenseur et qui m'ont offert un bon thé chaud la nuit de mon départ.
Sont-ils traumatisés? Ont-ils lancé la grenade depuis la terrasse de l'hôtel, où j'ai passé de si purs moments de contemplation, en écrivant comme une débile mon journal intime? Le terroriste, est-il celui qui te sert le café le matin et qui laisse également rentrer, pour une poignée de guinées, des gens louches dans l'hôtel?
Encore trop choquée pour savoir quoi en dire, je médite cette image de David Roberts, dont j'ai vu récemment une vue de Jordanie qui était très bien aussi.
samedi 31 janvier 2009
En t'attendant...
Voici mon achat du jour: un nouvel aspirateur. (Le précédent était tombé des escaliers et c'était fait mal). Cela va être bien pour le grand nettoyage du printemps.(Je crois dans l'à-venir, moi).
Il est rose, comme moi.
Et je vous livre ce slogan, pour l'accompagner: parce que nous, les femmes, nous avons un ultime refuge contre la solitude: le ménage.
Il est rose, comme moi.
Et je vous livre ce slogan, pour l'accompagner: parce que nous, les femmes, nous avons un ultime refuge contre la solitude: le ménage.
Monastère?
je ne supporte plus l'odeur de cigarette...encore moins le goût de l'alcool-
que vais-je devenir?
jeudi 29 janvier 2009
Commencements
pourquoi je n’ai pas été ta mère ? - j’aurais écarté mes jambes pour y découvrir ta tête au milieu, j’aurais crié pendant que tu criais, j’aurais pensé que la douleur sert à quelque chose, la douleur de t’avoir sert à quelque chose, par cette douleur complète je t’aurais possédé toute la vie, cette douleur m’aurait accompagnée à chaque pas, à cette douleur j’aurais pensé en même temps que je pensais à toi, mon enfant chéri, tu m’aurais suivi dans tous les plaisirs, ta tête au milieu dans tous les plaisirs, même ceux que tu connais bien, les plus douloureux
au commencement de tout, à ta naissance, avant tout autre geste, tu aurais approché ta bouche à mon sein et tu en aurais senti la chaleur, tu aurais cherché cette chaleur encore et tu m’aurais sucé avide, en suçant tu m’aurais regardé de tes yeux innocents et apaisés, par ces seins et cette bouche nous serions unis toute la vie, toute la vie le liquide blanc sortant de moi aurait été le plus nourrissant, le plus chaud, il y aurait eu avant tout le mélange de nos chairs, pourquoi je n’ai pas été mère, j’aurais hanté tous tes rêves, tes remords, je t’aurais possédé, je t’aurais possédé
te souviens-tu de ce matin blanc où nous nous sommes réveillés dans la pièce au premier étage pleine de poussière, un matelas par terre, pas d’oreillers, pas de vrais draps, juste une vieille couverture qui venait de je ne sais où, mes valises et mon dernier déménagement tout autour, dans le silence après le plaisir fort tu es soucieux, songeant, tu regardes autour de toi en restant à demi-couché, tu bailles et me regardes de travers, et à un moment tu me dis sans retenue comme un gamin qui se plaint de la faim à l'heure du goûter - j’ai envie de t’enculer
[...]
au commencement de tout, à ta naissance, avant tout autre geste, tu aurais approché ta bouche à mon sein et tu en aurais senti la chaleur, tu aurais cherché cette chaleur encore et tu m’aurais sucé avide, en suçant tu m’aurais regardé de tes yeux innocents et apaisés, par ces seins et cette bouche nous serions unis toute la vie, toute la vie le liquide blanc sortant de moi aurait été le plus nourrissant, le plus chaud, il y aurait eu avant tout le mélange de nos chairs, pourquoi je n’ai pas été mère, j’aurais hanté tous tes rêves, tes remords, je t’aurais possédé, je t’aurais possédé
te souviens-tu de ce matin blanc où nous nous sommes réveillés dans la pièce au premier étage pleine de poussière, un matelas par terre, pas d’oreillers, pas de vrais draps, juste une vieille couverture qui venait de je ne sais où, mes valises et mon dernier déménagement tout autour, dans le silence après le plaisir fort tu es soucieux, songeant, tu regardes autour de toi en restant à demi-couché, tu bailles et me regardes de travers, et à un moment tu me dis sans retenue comme un gamin qui se plaint de la faim à l'heure du goûter - j’ai envie de t’enculer
[...]
dimanche 18 janvier 2009
Aucun amant ne livre la même humeur
Ici à Sfax
Ici à Sfax
Hier à Sousse
Hier à Sousse
Demain Paris
Demain Paris
Aucun cadran n'affiche la même heure
Aucun amant ne livre la même humeur
A New Delhi
A New Delhi
Hier à Sousse
Hier à Sousse
Aucun amant n'affiche la même heure
Aucun cadran ne livre la même humeur
A nous New York
A nous New York
Hier à Sousse
Hier à Sousse
Demain Paris
Demain Paris
Aucun cadran n'affiche la même heure
Aucun amant ne livre la même humeur
A l'intérieur
A l'intérieur
Coule la Garonne
Coule la Garonne
Pas un amant n'affiche la même heure
Aucun cadran ne livre la même humeur
A nous Paris
A New Delhi
Hier à Sousse
Hier à Sousse
Aucun cadran n'affiche la même heure
Aucun cadran n'affiche la même heure
Aucun cadran n'affiche la même heure
Aucun amant ne livre la même humeur ...
(Alain Bashung Bleu Pétrole)
Ici à Sfax
Hier à Sousse
Hier à Sousse
Demain Paris
Demain Paris
Aucun cadran n'affiche la même heure
Aucun amant ne livre la même humeur
A New Delhi
A New Delhi
Hier à Sousse
Hier à Sousse
Aucun amant n'affiche la même heure
Aucun cadran ne livre la même humeur
A nous New York
A nous New York
Hier à Sousse
Hier à Sousse
Demain Paris
Demain Paris
Aucun cadran n'affiche la même heure
Aucun amant ne livre la même humeur
A l'intérieur
A l'intérieur
Coule la Garonne
Coule la Garonne
Pas un amant n'affiche la même heure
Aucun cadran ne livre la même humeur
A nous Paris
A New Delhi
Hier à Sousse
Hier à Sousse
Aucun cadran n'affiche la même heure
Aucun cadran n'affiche la même heure
Aucun cadran n'affiche la même heure
Aucun amant ne livre la même humeur ...
(Alain Bashung Bleu Pétrole)
lundi 12 janvier 2009
La Ducasse est repartie et j'ai perdu ma Place
[…]
le dimanche de notre rencontre il y avait une lumière ensoleillée d’hiver – exactement comme celle-ci, je regardais le mur en face du café où le soleil du début d’après-midi dessinait des jolies géométries sur les briques rouges que la rosée du matin avait rendues comme poussiéreuses…je revois encore cette lumière, la buées des vitres du café, le moment où tu es rentré, ton pull-over blanc à col roulé, tout ton baratin, ma fausse indifférence non frelatée
[…]
nous nous sommes si bien endormis ce matin, après avoir fait les idiots dans le lit pendant près d’une heure, et puis joui, beaucoup joui
j’aime quand nous faisons les idiots dans le lit, et que nous nous disons des choses, entre des gestes brusques et quelque ébauche de bagarre de gamins
je me suis endormie avec un bras au-dessus de tes épaules, en protection, une protection qui te convenait très bien puisque tu t’es endormi comme une pierre – tu te sentais rassuré et tu dormais si bien…que c’est beau de s’endormir comme ça, après avoir beaucoup joui, tout nus comme des vers, sans avoir à enlever des vêtements, sans avoir à se relever pour aller se laver ou boire à la cuisine, corps contre corps, chaleur contre chaleur, ton sperme qui coulait par la raie de mes fesses, j’ai dû dans un demi-sommeil prendre un kleenex dans la boite à coté du lit et m’essuyer, et je l’ai malheureusement jeté tout à l’heure, le kleenex, en rangeant la chambre après ton départ, alors que là, maintenant, j’aimerais y mettre le nez dedans pour sentir s’il sent encore ton foutre
tu dormais déjà, quand je me suis essuyée furtivement
cet après-midi nous nous sommes réveillés plus ou moins en même temps, en réalité j’étais réveillée depuis peu mais je restais à tes cotés – j’aime te regarder dormir à la lumière du jour, tu t’agites et tu luttes contre la réalité qui avance
je m’étais juste levée tout silencieusement pour aller aux toilettes vider mes intestins, laver un peu mon sexe – quand tu te réveilles tu me regardes toujours de travers, mais je vois à ton regard que tu es content de me trouver là
après, tu as voulu faire un geste et m’écraser en-dessous de ton bras, mais je me suis écartée et ai commencé à jouer, avec comme seul but celui de te retenir au lit et te faire bander
à ton tour tu t’es levé pour aller aux toilettes, et aux toilettes tu chantonnes, tu bailles, tu éternues bruyamment, tu chantonnes ‘non, rien de rien, non, je ne regrette rien…’
tu reviens dans la chambre, tout nu
tu restes début face au lit, et je me mets à genoux pour te prendre le sexe tout frais dans la bouche, et y retrouver avec délice une petite goutte sur l’extrémité. Cela ne fut que pour émoustiller mes appétits.
[…]
le dimanche de notre rencontre il y avait une lumière ensoleillée d’hiver – exactement comme celle-ci, je regardais le mur en face du café où le soleil du début d’après-midi dessinait des jolies géométries sur les briques rouges que la rosée du matin avait rendues comme poussiéreuses…je revois encore cette lumière, la buées des vitres du café, le moment où tu es rentré, ton pull-over blanc à col roulé, tout ton baratin, ma fausse indifférence non frelatée
[…]
nous nous sommes si bien endormis ce matin, après avoir fait les idiots dans le lit pendant près d’une heure, et puis joui, beaucoup joui
j’aime quand nous faisons les idiots dans le lit, et que nous nous disons des choses, entre des gestes brusques et quelque ébauche de bagarre de gamins
je me suis endormie avec un bras au-dessus de tes épaules, en protection, une protection qui te convenait très bien puisque tu t’es endormi comme une pierre – tu te sentais rassuré et tu dormais si bien…que c’est beau de s’endormir comme ça, après avoir beaucoup joui, tout nus comme des vers, sans avoir à enlever des vêtements, sans avoir à se relever pour aller se laver ou boire à la cuisine, corps contre corps, chaleur contre chaleur, ton sperme qui coulait par la raie de mes fesses, j’ai dû dans un demi-sommeil prendre un kleenex dans la boite à coté du lit et m’essuyer, et je l’ai malheureusement jeté tout à l’heure, le kleenex, en rangeant la chambre après ton départ, alors que là, maintenant, j’aimerais y mettre le nez dedans pour sentir s’il sent encore ton foutre
tu dormais déjà, quand je me suis essuyée furtivement
cet après-midi nous nous sommes réveillés plus ou moins en même temps, en réalité j’étais réveillée depuis peu mais je restais à tes cotés – j’aime te regarder dormir à la lumière du jour, tu t’agites et tu luttes contre la réalité qui avance
je m’étais juste levée tout silencieusement pour aller aux toilettes vider mes intestins, laver un peu mon sexe – quand tu te réveilles tu me regardes toujours de travers, mais je vois à ton regard que tu es content de me trouver là
après, tu as voulu faire un geste et m’écraser en-dessous de ton bras, mais je me suis écartée et ai commencé à jouer, avec comme seul but celui de te retenir au lit et te faire bander
à ton tour tu t’es levé pour aller aux toilettes, et aux toilettes tu chantonnes, tu bailles, tu éternues bruyamment, tu chantonnes ‘non, rien de rien, non, je ne regrette rien…’
tu reviens dans la chambre, tout nu
tu restes début face au lit, et je me mets à genoux pour te prendre le sexe tout frais dans la bouche, et y retrouver avec délice une petite goutte sur l’extrémité. Cela ne fut que pour émoustiller mes appétits.
[…]
dimanche 4 janvier 2009
Pour que ce soit un beau dimanche
j'ai acheté un dessin de Jean-Louis Costes, celui-ci:
Il s'appelle 'Les trois voies'.
Pour que ce soit aussi pour vous un bon dimanche, allez acheter un dessin de Costes sur http://eretic-art.com/costes.html
Il s'appelle 'Les trois voies'.
Pour que ce soit aussi pour vous un bon dimanche, allez acheter un dessin de Costes sur http://eretic-art.com/costes.html
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ma tête, ce soir
de quoi Elise est-il le nom?
amis fidèles, embrouilles périodiques
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